THE DOWNLOAD

MUSINGS ON THE CURRENT SCENE: NOVEMBER 2020

Well, that was fun wasn’t it? The 2020 election is finally over…yes, diehard Trumpers, it’s over. And its the type of antics Trump is engaging in now that are the reason. Trump lost because he was too lazy to just show the least bit of discipline in his campaign. Trump is about Trump, always, which makes it remarkable he was able to convince people he was “fighting” for them.

Now I can go back to fighting for myself instead of hearing how some politician is going to fight for me. I follow the Carolla Rule, first enunciated by Adam Carolla: I never vote for any politician who tells me they are fighting for me. Thanks, but no thanks. I’ll stick up for myself. Please, Mr. or Miss Politician, stop fighting for me and focus on doing your job, which involves something more like ensuring the garbage is picked up.

So, how much do you think we’ll be hearing about how terrible the Electoral College is over the next few years? Not much I suspect, since Mr. Biden won there. Funny, when I hear progressives gripe about it, I always hear how it’s not fair that sparsely populated Montana or Idaho gets the same representation in the Senate as California or New York. I never hear how its unfair that tiny states like Vermont or Rhode Island or Delaware get two Senators also.

Its not just progressives who have this annoying habit. How long will it take Republicans to start griping about the federal debt and overall spending now that Democrats have the presidency? They somehow forgot about those things when their guy was in there. There’s an old political joke that says you only hear about the homeless when a Republican is on office. Kind of makes you wonder how serious these politicians (who are fighting for you, remember) are about tackling real issues, or are the issues just talking points in service of their gaining or keeping power. The question kind of answers itself…

Speaking of Trump and Trumpism, you probably guessed I am not a fan of Trump. Not my cup of tea, as they say. He just reminds me of the blowhard at the end of the bar who is always spouting off about something he doesn’t really know that much about, but he says it in such a colorful and sometimes humorous way, that people just smile and let him do his schtick. Some people, heck, many people obviously, loved it. The common theme to me with his supporters was that Trump annoyed the people that annoyed them. It was more about who his enemies were, not him really. I mean, who would guess that a rich kid from Queens, who inherited his money, would be the hero of the working class? Only in America.

But what of Trumpism, if there is such a thing? Many Republicans are no doubt scrambling this very minute to figure out how to tap into that phenomenon. I think they will fail miserably (and, more importantly to me, further damage the viability of conservative ideas) if they try to adopt his style, which I think when you boil it down, is all there is to Trumpism: Style. You love him because he annoys your opponents so much. He’s the classic player you love when he’s on your team and hate when he’s on the other, which add up to…he’s just annoying, period. He had no political philosophy to speak of. He had some instincts I agreed with. With the help of those dastardly establishment types like Paul Ryan and Mitch McConnell, his administration achieved some very conventional republican goals: cut taxes, push back on regulatory overreach (particularly in the Department of Education), appoint judges who will do their job, not the job of a legislator, etc.

I will give Trump credit for this: By so thoroughly getting under progressives collective skin, he brought out the worst of them and their most extreme ideas, allowing the average citizen to peek behind the facade if you will. I guess he was like Toto, pulling back the curtain in the Wizard of Oz. I think that is the big takeaway from the election results. Americans agreed with the Democrats primary argument, i.e. it was time for Trump to go. Joe Biden is President (wow…is he the luckiest career politician or what!) because he fulfilled the biggest requirement of the American people: to not be Donald Trump. But any fever dreams of progressives that this election was going to be some big blue wave and affirm a transformation of American politics along progressive lines were definitively dashed. Americans saw riots and heard them described as “mostly peaceful”, listened to progressives talk of Green New Deals, and packing the courts, and adding states, and said no thanks. Mitch McConnell, hated by progressives and Trumpers alike, is the most powerful man in Washington now.

I think, if you are of a conservative sensibility like myself, you may look back on this election as the turning point toward better days. Trump, the bull in the china shop, has done his job. There is no more china to smash, if you will, and it is time to go. One needn’t worry about Biden…he is a placeholder. He will be pushed by his left to implement their progressive wish list, but he will not be able to as long as the Republicans control the Senate. A potential President Harris will run into the same problem. The Republican party, which beyond anyone’s expectations, actually picked up House seats, many of whom are women and minorities, and may have a good chance of taking the House in 2022. Maybe by 2024, some Republicans will figure out how to speak the language of conservatism to more people, be able to move that Overton window back toward the right a bit. But if they take the easy way and just try to be mini-Trumps, it will be a disaster. Playing the politics of demonization doesn’t work for left or right for very long.

My goals politically are not for the Republicans to win per se. It is to try to convince as many people as possible to look at things from a more conservative viewpoint. If you’re always arguing about things with a progressive set of assumptions, its really hard to sell conservative solutions. Hell, its hard to sell conservative solutions anyway. They tend to be for grown-ups. We seem to have less and less of those in either party, and the electorate as a whole, these days.

Which reminds me…can we put to rest these calls…mostly from the progressives I must say…to lower the voting age? If anything it should be raised. My son had a homework assignment a few weeks ago in which he was asked to answer the question, “Should 11 year- old kids be allowed to vote?” I should have had him answer, “Only if they are allowed to smoke and drink.” But I didn’t want him kicked out of school. I think the voting age should probably reflect the average age of adult responsibility in a society. I could sign off on the 11 year old vote 300 years ago. Heck, those kids were getting up at 5 am to milk the cows. Then they spent most of their day in some kind of hard labor. They were a lot more adult than most 25 year-olds today. Today, unless one gets married and has children, i.e. is forced (presumably) to think about someone else’s needs, we have delayed adulthood on average into one’s 30’s. I mean, under Obamacare, people can ride their parents healthcare until age 26. Under that standard, maybe the voting age should be 27.

So, what will the Republican and Democratic parties look like in 2024? Things seem to be shifting. In my lifetime, Republicans were always characterized as the party of the rich and big business…the monocle guy from Monopoly. Democrats were portrayed as the party of the working class, unions, and minorities…Joe six pack. Doesn’t that seem like it is flipping around, or at least changing somewhat? Even the minority vote, which among blacks is still overwhelmingly Democratic, is starting to not be so monolithic. There is a lot of egghead talk going on about how the Republican party post-Trump is now a multi ethnic, workers party. I’m not so sure. As I said, conservatism works best with an adult electorate. We are a juvenile society. But maybe we’re ready to move beyond the temper tantrums of the last few years and grow up. If so, then maybe a conservative message has a chance. I won’t be holding my breath.

A LITTLE LANGUAGE

To end with a little mental enrichment is always a good thing. I love this word: Animadversion. It means criticism or censure. A comment or remark that is censorious. The word just tickles my senses for some reason. Anyway, thought you’d enjoy learning it too. Until next time…

My Conservative Sensibility: Part III

American Conservatives seek to conserve the principles of the American Founding. In part I, we examined how natural rights theory, the philosophical concept that asserts men are born free and possess inherent, or “natural” rights, animated the core political philosophy of the Founders. Its logic led them to conclude the only just form of government is one derived from the consent of the governed. In part II, we examined how the Judeo-Christian conception of an unchanging and fallen human nature was also a key part of the Founders thinking. That worldview made the Founders particularly wary of man’s tyrannical tendencies when given power over others and therefore properly skeptical of mankind’s capacity to produce a perfect political system. A Judeo-Christian worldview, marinated in the intellectual and philosophical currents of natural rights theory, created the framework within which the Founders approached the task of designing their new government in the late 1780’s. The eventual design of our Constitution was primarily the result of the political genius of James Madison. His detailed study of past human efforts to organize mankind politically prompted the insights that helped him craft our unique Constitutional system, a system American Conservatives believe to be the ‘last, best hope of earth’.

“Democracy is the worst form of government…except for all the others.”

Winston Churchill

As Madison studied political arrangements throughout history, he attempted to dissect the flaws in each and every system. Madison reverted to first principles. He asked himself, like any true conservative, What is the worst outcome of any political system? His answer can be boiled down to one word: tyranny. Whether it be monarchy, oligarchy, or even the democracies of Ancient Greece, the risk of any political arrangement devolving into tyranny was a danger he was keenly aware of, particularly in light of the recent experiences with the British crown.

AUXILIARY PRECAUTIONS

Madison realized the inherent risk to the democratic system he was trying to craft was a tyranny of the majority. The danger to democratic systems posed by the mob, whose temporary passions lead to the imposition of ill-considered notions, is akin to a fever sweeping through one’s body. Madison sought to inoculate the American body politic against this potential catastrophic fever by fortifying his design with what he called “auxiliary precautions”. These measures are what you may have heard referred to in school as “checks and balances”. The genius of Madison was his insight that he could use men’s natural self interestedness as a check against their potential abuse of democratic power. These measures, such as separation of powers between, and even among, the branches of government; procedural checks on those powers enjoyed by each branch over the other; and the varying means and methods of electing the members of each branch, including the unfairly maligned electoral college, are, to the conservative sensibility, some of the ingenious features of our system.

CLOSED QUESTIONS IN AN OPEN SOCIETY

As the Constitutional convention of 1787 wore on, its members, who were generally in agreement with Madison’s basic framework for the new government, began to split into two camps regarding its final form. Federalists, led by Madison and Alexander Hamilton, were keen to ensure that the new system created a federal government much stronger than the weak and ineffectual central government under the Articles of Confederation. Their opponents, dubbed Anti-Federalists, were wary of too much centralized power, fearing it would infringe upon the freedoms of the states in the union, and ultimately, the individual rights of the people. They demanded that in return for their support of Madison’s overall plan, a list of enumerated, individual rights be written down as part of the text of the new constitution. Madison felt the Constitution’s basis in natural rights philosophy made it implicit that nothing in the document could be interpreted to override those natural rights belonging to the people. Additionally, he feared that by specifically listing some rights, other rights enjoyed by the people, could be interpreted by future generations to not be protected. In classic American political fashion, a compromise was reached. The Anti- Federalists agreed to vote for adoption of the new Constitution with the understanding that Madison and the Federalists would immediately implement, via the amendment process written into the Constitution, a list of enumerated individual rights, including language that the enumeration of certain rights shall not be interpreted to deny other rights retained by the states or the people . Thus was born, after ratification by the states, the Bill of Rights. These ten amendments serve to remind us of the Founders’ commitment to the protection of individual rights. The Founders wanted to protect the minority against any potential majority that may wish to use its democratic power to deny the minority their fundamental, natural rights. As George Will put it in his graduate thesis, there are certain questions that, even in an open society, are closed. The Founders were natural rights absolutists, and they were insistent that the political system they created would always protect the natural rights of an individual against the temporary whims of a transient majority. The Bill of Rights are part of the sacred canon of our political system, and they are properly revered by American Conservatives as the fundamental basis of our rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

“Everything within the state, nothing outside the state, nothing against the state.”

Benito Mussolini

Critics of the Founders, beginning most prominently with Professor Woodrow Wilson, later President Wilson, and like-minded political Progressives, express immense frustration with the design of our Constitutional republic. Progressives believe our rights come from the State. Therefore, they believe the State must take a more aggressive and central role in the lives of its citizenry, helping them to achieve a more equal and just society. They also believe mankind has progressed beyond his nature, beyond his primitive limitations, and is capable, with the proper enlightened leadership (always, curiously, found among the educated elite like Wilson himself) of achieving the dream of the ideal society. These ideas are fundamentally at odds with the Founders philosophy of natural rights and their more skeptical view of the potential of human nature. Therefore, Progressives are destined to chafe at the Constitution’s protection of individual freedoms, its preference for limited government, and its decentralization and balance of powers among the branches and the states. They heap untold amounts of scorn upon the electoral college; the makeup and means of election of senators; the need for super majorities to achieve significant changes; the filibuster; and even the bill of rights. They view these mechanisms, celebrated by Conservatives, as tragic faults of our system to overcome or eliminate. They see the Constitution as a relic of our primitive past and no longer relevant or applicable to the modern world they seek to create. And therein lies the rub. The ultimate conflict between American Conservatives and their Progressive counterparts, is, to borrow the title of an illuminating Thomas Sowell book, A Conflict of Visions.

CLOSET ELITISTS AND RACISTS?

Knowing that our Constitutional republic was born of an alternative, essentially conservative vision of humanity, Progressives realize that in order to convince the American people to adopt their vision, they must dislodge the Founders and their ideas from their revered perch in the minds of the citizenry. Therefore, we are subjected to countless Progressive critiques of the Constitution and its authors that seek to delegitimize the Founders personally, attacking their motives and sneering haughtily at them for their personal faults and foibles.

Critics often cite the Founders oft stated fears and warnings of an unchecked democracy, or a tyranny of the majority, as proof of underlying, anti-democratic sympathies. They accuse the Founders of establishing a faux democracy with a Constitution that is actually a cleverly designed mechanism intended to block the will of the people and serve only the interests of the wealthy elite. I submit these critics erroneously characterize the intentions of the Founders. They were not so keen to mention the faults of democracy because they deemed it an unworthy or undesirable political system. Having come to the logical conclusion that democracy was the only just system, they wanted to ensure that their fellow countrymen were fully aware of its limitations. It is only when we are aware of faults that are we able to address them effectively. Madison’s ‘auxiliary precautions’ and the Bill of Rights are evidence of a commitment to individual freedom within a democratic society, not a subversion of that democracy. However, because they are ideas that instantiate a system antithetical to the Progressive desire for more State power, they are disingenuously and unironically maligned as the devious, power hungry design of their elitist authors.

Most recently, the Founders have come under attack as specifically designing the Constitution to perpetuate slavery. Now, I will concede that there are some legitimate arguments to be had about the validity of the Founders philosophical assumptions that will impact whether one thinks their political designs were wise or foolish or somewhere in between. If Conservatism stands for anything, it most definitely stands for the idea that anything produced by humans is by nature imperfect and therefore not immune from criticism. There are some critiques, however, one needn’t waste time addressing seriously. They are so widely condemned, by thoughtful scholars from all political perspectives, as historically illiterate, agenda-driven pablum (yes, I’m looking at you New York Times 1619 project), that one should feel comfortable ignoring those critiques as being what the average, common sense citizen would immediately recognize as horses**t.

LET THE CONVERSATION BEGIN

My primary goal with these essays has been to illuminate to the best of my ability and understanding the underlying political philosophy of the American Conservative. Hopefully, I have succeeded in that task. With that groundwork in place, as I comment in the future on various political issues, I hope the reader will at least consider the basis for my arguments, whether one agrees with my position or not, rather than simply dismissing the conservative viewpoint with ill-informed invective.

VETERANS DAY 2020

(Author’s note: The following is the text of a brief talk given by the author in conjunction with a Veterans Day ceremony)

Good morning.  On behalf of all veterans, thank you for taking the time to formally recognize Veterans Day.  Recently it seems our society has been too prone to quickly dismiss as irrelevant or unworthy the traditions our not so distant ancestors established, so I am glad to take part in a ceremony that honors those traditions. 

Speaking of history, I suppose I am what is known as a history “buff”.  I’m certain my long-suffering wife and son will attest to this fact, having been subjected to one too many documentaries about some obscure battle of the civil or revolutionary wars.  So, this opportunity to satisfy my historical sweet tooth was too tempting to pass up. Be not afraid, however, as I promise to inflict upon you only a small portion of the pain so ably endured by my family. If you will indulge me, I hope to use the following brief talk to encourage you to understand and appreciate Veterans Day in a new way.

There are two days in the United States set aside to honor military service: this day, and Memorial Day.  Memorial Day honors those who have given, as Lincoln so eloquently put it in his Gettysburg address, “the last full measure of devotion.”  As any veteran who fought in battle will tell you, the real heroes are the ones who did not come home.  Memorial Day, originally known as Decoration Day, due to the custom of placing flowers at the graves of the war dead, is intended to be a somber recognition of the supreme sacrifice undertaken by those honored dead on behalf of this country.  As Lincoln also said on that November day in Gettysburg, “It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.”   

So, what about Veterans Day?  I believe most people probably think of Veterans Day as simply a less somber version of Memorial Day; a day to express a more general “thank you for your service”.  While we veterans welcome any note of thanks and appreciation, I want to ask you today, and for all Veterans Days going forward, to remember and reflect upon this fact:  All veterans, officer and enlisted, upon signing on the dotted line to begin their service to this country, take an oath.  In that oath they pledge to “protect and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies foreign and domestic…”.  Think about that.  We do not pledge to protect the president, or congress, or any one person.  We do not pledge to defend a piece of land.  We pledge to protect and defend a document, a piece of parchment.  But not just any piece of parchment. Our Constitution embodies a revolutionary set of ideas and principles that were first voiced in the Declaration: We hold these truths to be self evident. All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. That among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We have all heard these words before, but I want you today to understand their extraordinary significance. Those ideas are the true American revolution.  They are what we mean by American exceptionalism.  We are a people and a nation spoken into existence; the first nation ever able to pinpoint the exact moment of our birth.   We are a people dedicated to a set of ideals and principles about the best way to arrange human affairs and promote human flourishing.   Being human, we, from the beginning, failed to fully live up to those principles.  Yet, we have made great progress, and today we continue the great American experiment of trying to more fully realize those ideals. 

We veterans, all the men and women who have served, or are serving, in the United States armed forces, have pledged to protect and defend, with our lives if necessary, the principles first enunciated in the Declaration of Independence and subsequently codified in the Constitution.  It is not the only means to defend and preserve these ideas for future generations. But in a world full of, shall we say, “contrary perspectives”, perspectives that are sometimes expressed with guns, and bombs, and gas chambers, and airplanes flying into buildings, it is a necessary duty that we veterans are proud to have undertaken.  

So, this Veterans Day, and on each one hereafter, thank us for our service if you wish.  But, more importantly, remind yourself of what we veterans pledge to protect and defend: the Constitution of the United States. It is for the blessings that document has endowed on this nation that I implore you to reserve your deepest gratitude.

MORE DISCRIMINATION, PLEASE

Breonna Taylor, the young black woman shot to death in her apartment by Louisville police officers in March of this year, was not the victim of racist police officers or systemic discrimination by the criminal justice system.

Sadly, the mischaracterization of the circumstances of her death, either due to simple ignorance, or more perniciously, as a result of the appropriation of Miss Taylor’s story in service of a certain political narrative, squanders an opportunity for genuine improvement in our society.

THE FACTS OF THE CASE

Courtesy of the New York Times reporting of Rukmini Callimachi, here is a basic summary of the case:

1. The police obtained a no-knock warrant to raid Taylor’s apartment based on allegations that a suspected drug dealer named Jamarcus Glover had received packages at Taylor’s home (Glover and Taylor had a previous relationship). The police sought the no-knock warrant out of a desire to preserve evidence.

2. Before the warrant was served, the police were directed to knock and announce rather than execute the warrant without knocking. At approximately 12:40 a.m. on March 13, the police pounded on Taylor’s door. Taylor was inside with her boyfriend, Kenneth Walker. He lawfully possessed a handgun.

3. At this point the facts are in dispute. Police claim that they knocked and announced they were police. A witness corroborates this account, but other witnesses dispute it, claiming they never heard the cops identify themselves. Walker claims that he was startled by the pounding, asked who was there, never heard a response, and was worried that it might be Glover. So he grabbed his gun.

4. The police then broke down the door to enter the apartment. Walker and Taylor saw them in the darkness, and Walker fired a single shot, striking one officer in the leg, severing his femoral artery and gravely injuring him. Under the available evidence (Walker hadn’t heard the police identify themselves and unknown individuals were violently entering his home), Walker had a legal right to shoot at the intruders, even if they were police

5. At the same time, the instant the officers saw that Walker was pointing his gun at them—and certainly when he pulled the trigger—they had their own legal right to shoot back. They were performing their official duties, and an armed man was quite plainly placing them in immediate, mortal danger.

6. They did not, however, have the right to use indiscriminate force. Two officers fired directly at Walker. They hit Taylor, who was standing nearby. But given the proximity of Taylor to Walker, it would be virtually impossible to prove that the officers’ startled response—aimed directly at the perceived threat—was reckless enough to be criminal.

LACK OF PROPER DISCRIMINATION

After looking at the available evidence, the fact is Miss Taylor was the victim of not enough discrimination…on the part police officers, judges, and legislators who were complicit in creating the conflicts of interest that led to her tragic death at the age of 26.

In its original sense, discrimination meant discernment-using one’s reason and judgment to distinguish between competing priorities to arrive at a reasonable conclusion. Only in the last century or so has it taken on the meaning we commonly associate with it today: the prejudicial treatment of others based on categories of race, class, gender, etc. It was the failure of judgment and reason-not blind or callous prejudice-that ultimately led to Miss Taylor’s death.

I understand the desire to maintain the element of surprise. In general, law enforcement does not want to give the subject the opportunity to either escape, destroy incriminating evidence, or prepare an armed defense or barricade. However, it is incumbent upon the police, for their own safety as much as for the safety of the public, to plan each arrest or search warrant according to the best information available for that specific situation.

Simply conducting business as usual, just because that is the way ‘we have always done it’, is not good enough. Hard questions need to be asked each time law enforcement is contemplating using its awesome powers. Did anyone involved seriously consider the following questions:

  1. Was the evidence possibly present at Taylor’s apartment significant enough to justify the risks inherent in executing a “no-knock” warrant at 12:40 a.m.?
  2. Was the potential recovery of evidence in that manner and in this context reasonable in light of the Fourth Amendment’s prohibitions against unreasonable search and seizure?

In the case of the tragic events that unfolded last March in Louisville, I recognize it is easy to ‘Monday morning quarterback’ the entire episode. It is clear now, to me at least, that the answers to the two questions posed above are an emphatic “NO”. However, it does no good to be right after the fact. In this case, the answers to those questions should have been “NO” prior to the operation. Why weren’t they?

BALANCING COMPETING INTERESTS

David French, at The Dispatch, argues that Miss Taylor’s death was the tragic result of the confused and contradictory jurisprudence surrounding the legitimate interests of the government in enforcing the law and the competing right of the individual to be secure in his home. As a law enforcement professional for nearly twenty years, I believe French is correct. Something bad was bound to happen. It was only a matter of time.

The police and the courts got it wrong here, and it cost Miss Taylor her life. That is the simple fact. They were wrong not because they were discriminating against a particular group of people. They were wrong because they failed to be discriminating enough about their responsibilities to the public. The question now is, “How do we make sure they do better in the future?”

A REPUBLIC, IF YOU CAN KEEP IT

Upon leaving the Constitutional Convention in 1787, Benjamin Franklin was reportedly asked by someone outside what the convention had produced. He famously replied, “A republic, if you can keep it.” Franklin’s response intimates an inescapable truth of our system. We need to do the hard work of maintaining it. In the case of Breonna Taylor, we need to demand our elected officials look critically at the inherent tensions created by recent jurisprudence in the areas of search and seizure. We need to elect representatives who will reform the law, where necessary, so that we clarify the proper constitutional balance between individual liberty and the rule of law.

What we do not need is simplistic sloganeering and irresponsible rhetoric. Yes, being responsible citizens, just like being a responsible adult, is hard..much harder than making a sign and yelling through a bullhorn. If we really want to honor the memory of Breonna Taylor, we need to accept the responsibilities of citizenship and commit to the hard work of building a better republic. We owe it to her and to ourselves.

My Conservative Sensibility: Part II

American conservatives seek to conserve the principles of the American founding. In Part One, I discussed one of the Founders fundamental principles: governments are instituted among men, who are possessed of inherent, or ‘natural’, rights, for the purpose of securing those natural rights.

Government so conceived, “conceived in liberty” as Mr. Lincoln so brilliantly distilled it in his Gettysburg Address, necessarily will be government derived from the consent of the governed. Each of us, as individual, free persons, must consent to any curtailment, any ‘government’, of those natural freedoms. Any other political arrangement violates our natural rights. If one accepts the doctrine of natural rights, then logic demands the only acceptable form of government be democratic, i.e. subject to the consent of the governed.

By declaring to the world in July 1776 their belief in the doctrine of natural rights, the Founders had implicitly committed themselves to establishing a democratic form of government. However, the precise form of that government was not otherwise described in the Declaration. It would take another eleven years, many debates and heated arguments, and (mostly) James Madison’s applied genius, to construct and adopt the framework of that government, our Constitution. The design of that Constitution revealed another fundamental principle held by the Founders that is also key to understanding the conservative sensibility.

OUR FIXED HUMAN NATURE

“If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary.”

James Madison, Federalist 51

That men are sometimes devils requires no great intellectual capacity to grasp. A mere casual reflection upon one’s own life and times will supply ample evidence to support the proposition. No, Madison’s words point to an equally self evident truth for the Founders: our fixed human nature. Much like the speed of light, the universal constant at the core of Einstein’s theoretical physics, the universal constant of self-interested human nature is a core principle underlying the Founders thinking about the nature of political arrangements. Any hope for good government needed to incorporate a healthy skepticism about human nature. The Constitution they produced, with its checks and balances of rival powers, its frustrations of fleeting popular passions, and its careful protection of minority rights, is a testament to a political genius that rivals the scientific genius of Professor Einstein.

The conservative sensibility is grounded in this conviction about the fallen state of human nature. From it flows a philosophical worldview that naturally aligns the conservative with the Founders political vision. It also helps inoculate us from being infected by the temptations of alternative visions of society-visions rooted in false hopes of human perfectibility arising from the enlightened, scientific rule of an all-knowing elite.

In part three of this extended meditation on the conservative sensibility, I will discuss American conservatism in relation to its adversaries-those alternative political visions that fundamentally disagree, knowingly or not, with our founding principles.

Midweek Miscellany

Oh My! as sportscaster Dick Enberg liked to say. So much going on, but here are just a few quick thoughts on the passing scene…

SUPREME TEMPER TANTRUM

The death of Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg last weekend has added another piece of kindling to an already robust political bonfire. That this is so is the result of the Court’s unfortunate transformation over the last fifty years into a kind of supra-legislature. Both in the minds of most of the public, and sadly, in the minds of many of those who should know better, including some of the Justices themselves, the Supreme Court has come to be understood as a black-robed oligarchy, tasked with enlightening the less enlightened as to the laws they should be living under.

If one accepts this flawed conceptual framework, then the nomination process for Supreme Court justices necessarily morphs into the circus we have been witnessing since at least the failed nomination of Robert Bork in 1987. If the Court is to act as a quasi-legislature, as a vehicle to enact political ends that have been thus far frustrated at the ballot box, then it is no surprise that persons invested in that view become so agitated whenever a vacancy arises. They fear their legislative policy goals will be thwarted, unjustly, by the appointment of justices who don’t share their political preferences.

Unfortunately, Justice Ginsburg, as Kevin D. Williamson notes, didn’t understand her job. Nor do the multitudes wailing and screaming about how unfair it is that the vacancy on the Court may be filled before “the people” have a chance to decide the issue in November. This is, as Joe Biden might say in another context, pure malarkey. Sadly, we have strayed so far from our Constitutional moorings that supposedly serious people are lending credence to the notion that the only proper thing to do in this situation is let the voters decide this coming November. Or, even more preposterously, that because it was Justice Ginsburg’s dying wish, that we allow the issue to be decided after the election (see here).

Sorry, but this is very simple. In our constitutional system, the President is empowered to nominate persons to fill vacancies on the Federal bench, including the Supreme Court. The Senate is empowered to either accept the nomination, reject the nomination, or simply ignore it. End of story.

I find it quite hilarious that the same people most ardently attached to the undemocratic and unconstitutional idea of rule by judicial fiat are the same people claiming this current situation is unfair and also undemocratic. It is not. The last time the people were given a choice, they chose this President and this Senate. In fact, many observers believe Donald Trump’s pledge to appoint justices who would uphold the Constitution’s original intent was a key factor in his victory. Now, some will protest that Donald Trump lost the popular vote and therefore he was illegitimately elected. But they betray their underlying anti-constitutionalism with this complaint because they are ignoring the fact that the gross total number of votes for President is…take a deep breath…irrelevant in our system. Their proposed solutions to the current situation..abolish the Electoral college, abolish the filibuster, pack the Court …are even more revealing of their profound antipathy toward the founding vision for this republic. At least these kind of controversies allow us to see through the veil of their publicly professed allegiance to the constitution, revealing more clearly the anti-constitutional project they are pursuing.

THE PRESIDENT WHO CRIED WOLF

Someone in the Department of Education (DOE), no doubt with a keen sense of humor, decided to take Princeton President Christopher Eisgruber at his word. The DOE launched an investigation of Princeton University for civil rights violations based on statements recently made by…Eisgruber. In the midst of this country’s “Great Awokening”, Eisgruber, eager to proclaim the complicity of his own institution in the rampant institutional racism decried by groups such as Black Lives Matter and their supporters, said:

Racism and the damage it does to people of color nevertheless persist at Princeton as in our society, sometimes by conscious intention but more often through unexamined assumptions and stereotypes, ignorance or insensitivity, and the systemic legacy of past decisions and policies.  Race-based inequities in America’s health care, policing, education, and employment systems affect profoundly the lives of our staff, students, and faculty of color. Racist assumptions from the past also remain embedded in structures of the University itself.  For example, Princeton inherits from earlier generations at least nine departments and programs organized around European languages and culture, but only a single, relatively small program in African studies.Racist assumptions from the past also remain embedded in structures of the University itself. 

Christopher L. Eisgruber (Excerpted from a letter to the Princeton Community, 9/2/ 2020) (Italics added)

Of course, upon reading the entirety of the letter, it is clear Eisgruber was simply intending to make sure the country was keenly aware of how “on board” Princeton is with the current cultural diktats. He, much like store owners in Minneapolis and Portland, was anxious to post in bold letters on the store front: Black Lives Matter. No doubt he hoped this prophylactic measure would ensure he and his Institution would be spared the ill-informed, know-nothing rage of the mob. Ironically, in his eagerness to step into a leading role in the current Kabuki theater of racial discourse, he instead stepped into his own woke pile of dung.

AUTUMN BLISS

I will end with a note of gratitude. As Chesterton noted:

When it comes to life the critical thing is whether you take things for granted or take them with gratitude.

G. K. Chesterton

I am grateful for the Fall season and the heavenly weather it brings, particularly to the Northeast region of our beautiful country. How can there be a more glorious gift of the Almighty than the invigorating, intoxicating pleasure of the perfect Autumn day? The bright, radiant sun, warming without being wearisome; the calm, crisp air, inviting deep inhalations of its freshness and vitality; the rich, bold tapestry of colors, evoking a Mother Nature fashioned tie-dyed tee shirt . It is an absolute wonder to be alive on days such as these, and everyone needs to make sure he experiences as many of them as possible.

The Wolf You Feed

The death of George Floyd at the hands of Officer Derek Chauvin in May in Minneapolis rightfully sparked widespread protests. It was an egregious abuse of power. Floyd’s death also reignited a quite heated discussion of the treatment of African Americans by law enforcement in the United States. Among the many articles, op-eds, essays, and tweets decrying police brutality, systemic racism, and white privilege, I also noted several mentions of “The Talk”.

Here is the Wikipedia definition of “The Talk”:

The talk is a colloquial expression for a conversation some Black parents in the United States feel compelled to have with their children and teenagers about the dangers they face due to racism or unjust treatment from authority figures, law enforcement or other parties, and how to de-escalate them. The practice dates back generations and is often a rite of passage for Black children.

In trying to understand this phenomenon more clearly, I came across the following essay: https://slate.com/human-interest/2020/06/white-parents-the-talk-racism-police-brutality.html

Please click on the above link and read the essay carefully.

I’ll wait…

Assuming you’ve done your assigned reading, I’d like share with you a few thoughts and questions that came to my mind.

The author tells us that after giving her version of “The Talk” to her seven year old in the wake of Floyd’s death, the child was brought to tears and he was terrified. She says he asked a lot of tough questions about hate and racism, and he ended by asking to leave the United States.

Well…okay then. Good talk.

If this is what results from “The Talk”, how is this in any way helpful? Instilling such fear in a child seems a bit counterproductive to me. As the Jedi Master Yoda told Luke Skywalker, “Fear leads to anger. Anger leads to hate. Hate leads to suffering.” Now, I’m not generally disposed to taking my philosophical bearings from little, green, and yes, fictional creatures (sorry Star Wars true believers!), but old Yoda makes more sense to me than terrifying your child in the name of…what? Authenticity? Keeping it real?

There’s a big, and crucial, difference between creating awareness and creating an attitude. Its like the difference between giving a hitter a scouting report about a pitcher’s tendency to throw inside versus telling him the pitcher is looking to throw at your head. Who is more likely to get a hit? Who is more likely to charge the mound after one inside pitch?

Now, I’m no Pollyanna. I am not for one minute dismissing the reality of the Black experience in the United States. And it is not my purpose here to debate the complicated history of that reality. Frankly, I’m not qualified. But more pertinently, I don’t believe it would do much good. There is a time and place for discussions about the proverbial number of angels on the head of a pin. Preparing your child to succeed in an often dangerous world is not one of them. It reminds me of the scene in Apollo 13 where one of the engineers is frantically trying to convince Gene Kranz, the Flight Director, that he needs to inform the crew that their flight path is not quite optimal. The engineer has calculated, quite correctly no doubt, all the dire outcomes the crew might face based on their current situation. He feels compelled to share his expert knowledge with the crew as they are beginning their crucial entry into the atmosphere of Earth. Kranz, however, has a different focus. He interrupts the engineer in the midst of his “talk”, and asks him one simple question: “Is there anything they can do about it?” The engineer is forced to admit that at this point there is not. “Then they don’t need to know,” says Kranz. Kranz isn’t advocating ignorance or willful blindness. He is simply reminding the engineer that right then and there his mission is to help the crew get safely back. It doesn’t serve that mission to provide them with information not germane to that mission. All other concerns are secondary. There’s plenty of time for that in the post flight debrief. But first let’s get to the debrief. When I heard about “The Talk”, I assumed its focus was the same as Kranz’: Get them home safe. Maybe I assumed too much.

Now, I don’t know precisely what Miss McDonald said to her son. Maybe he is a particularly sensitive child. But the results of her talk are telling. In a few years, her son seems primed to forgo his fearful tears and charge the mound. Fear leads to hate, hate leads to anger…

Miss McDonald does, however, provide us some clues. After claiming that she would never presume to tell another parent what to say to their own child, she graciously provides some helpful hints. I found this bit illuminating:

Avoid using the word “tolerance,” and don’t try to teach your kids to be “color blind”—that’s not a real thing. Identity isn’t something to be put up with or ignored; it’s to be respected and celebrated. And it’s not enough to simply insist that they “acknowledge” their privilege. That privilege must be actively wielded as a shield for Black lives.

Autumn McDonald

I also found it deeply dispiriting. To think this is the sort of “Talk” young Black children are receiving from their parents is unnerving enough. But Miss McDonald goes further. In her desire for what she calls “allyship” from white parents, she urges them to have the same kind of “Talk”, with the same ideas expressed in the above quoted passage, with their children. Heaven forfend!

A perfectly tolerant and color blind society is not a real thing. I agree. As long as there human beings this will be true. It is, however, a noble aspiration worthy of societal striving. But Miss McDonald does not dismiss tolerance and color blindness because they are difficult, or even, truth be told, out of our worldly reach. She dismisses them because they are out of sync with her worldview. To her, color is identity. According to her, our most important concept of self begins and ends with our color. It is a view she shares, unfortunately, with many others today.

Sorry, Miss McDonald, I will not be your ally. I will not tell any child his skin pigment is the most important thing about him and everyone else in the world. I will not set him on the path to fear, anger, and hate, because it will lead to only sorrow, for him and the world.

I will tell him there are two kinds of people only: the decent and the indecent. I will tell him he is called upon by his Creator to treat every person as an individual. It will be difficult. He will be tempted, by his own inherent sinfulness, and by the indecent influence of others, to give into his fear of the other, the superficially different. But I will tell him he must not give into that temptation. He must not listen to anyone who tells him he should base his treatment of other people on such trivialities as skin color, ethnicity, religious belief, sex, or sexual orientation. I will tell him these things again and again. I will tell him the world is a difficult, often unjust, and sometimes dangerous place. And I will tell him this story:

One evening an old man told his grandson about a battle that goes on inside every man.

He said, “My son, the battle is between two “wolves” inside us all.

One is Evil. It is anger, envy, jealousy, sorrow, regret, greed, arrogance, self-pity, guilt, resentment, inferiority, lies, false pride, superiority, and ego.

The other is good. It is joy, peace, love, hope, serenity, humility, kindness, benevolence, empathy, generosity, truth, compassion and faith.”

The grandson thought about it for a minute and then asked his grandfather: “Which wolf wins?”

The old man simply replied, “The one you feed.”

My Conservative Sensibility: Part I

“When it comes to politics, what are you?”

“I’m a conservative.”

“Ohh…”

Conservative, liberal, republican, democrat, progressive. I suspect most of you are like me when asked to categorize yourself politically. You simply provide your inquisitor…and let’s face it, when they ask that question, their motives are inquisitorial…with one of those shorthand descriptors.

Unfortunately, their understanding of what it means to be a conservative, or progressive, or democrat or republican, is almost certainly informed by certain assumptions and associations they have acquired from the present public discourse. In most cases, these characterizations can be quite fairly described as ranging from disingenuous distortions to malicious misrepresentations.

CONSERVE WHAT?

So what do I mean when I proclaim that I am a conservative?

Let’s begin by asking the most logical question: What is it that I am trying to conserve?

To conserve something is to protect it from harm or destruction. Depending on when and where one might be answering the question, what a conservative is trying to protect might be the Monarchy, the Soviet Union, or the Galactic Empire. I am not, however, an 18th century Englishman, a 20th century Russian politburo member, or a 25th century citizen of Tatooine. I am an American citizen in the 21st century professing to be a conservative. So, what am I trying to conserve? According to George Will, in his book The Conservative Sensibility, the correct answer to that question is simple, straightforward, and reasonable:

An American conservative desires to conserve the principles of the American founding.

AN EXCEPTIONAL IDEA

People who bristle at the idea of American exceptionalism are no doubt misapprehending the concept as some sort of jingoistic claim of national superiority. Nothing could be further from the truth. Exceptionalism in this context refers to the uniqueness of both the American founding and the revolutionary ideas upon which it was based.

Unlike any nation before it, the United States was unique in that it could pinpoint exactly when and where it came into being. To that point in history, nation states arose gradually and organically…and violently… into the entities we now recognize as individual countries. On July 4, 1776, the United States was proclaimed into being. Just as exceptional was the fact that this revolutionary proclamation was not driven by the usual catalysts, such as poverty or political oppression. The men proclaiming their independence were relatively free and prosperous Englishmen, who enjoyed more rights and material well being than most of the world at that time. This revolution was sparked by an idea, and it forever turned upside down the understanding of the relationship of man to his governing institutions.

“We have it in our power to begin the world again.”

Thomas Paine

Drawing from the political and philosophical musings of classical civilizations and Enlightenment political philosophers (particularly John Locke), and infused with a Judeo-Christian teleology, the Founders followed a line of reasoning the essence of which Jefferson poetically captured in the second line of the Declaration. To wit, Mankind, uniquely endowed by their creator with reason, can use that reason to discern certain truths (“self-evident” truths) about the nature of man. First and foremost, that man is created equally free, and as such, is endowed with certain inherent rights (natural rights), to include the right to life and the right to be free to chose his own pursuits.

All well and good. The dignity of the individual was a concept introduced by Judeo-Christian theology and expounded upon by secular philosophers before Jefferson and his pals adopted it. But the Founders took things one step further. What Jefferson proclaimed in his next sentence was the exceptional idea at the root of the American revolution:

“That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.”

Thomas Jefferson, Declaration of Independence (emphasis added)

Let me reiterate: To secure these a priori rights is the reason government exists. This is a complete inversion of the previous relationship of men to their political societies and it is the bedrock principle of American conservatism. We do not need to petition the government….be it a king, emperor, or parliament…to obtain these rights. They already belong to us as free men. We set up political systems in order to secure these rights from infringement by other men or society at large.

If you doubt the Founders commitment to this principle-if you think it a mere throwaway piece of poetic musing-notice that in the preamble to the document that describes the governing structure within which their revolutionary ideas were to be implemented, they reaffirm the principle:

“We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty, to ourselves and our posterity…”

Preamble to the Constitution of the United States of America (emphasis added)

In order to understand what it is to be a conservative, you must grasp this principle first: Government does not exist to grant the blessings of liberty. It exists, with our consent as free men, solely to secure those blessings. We, by mutual consent, agree to surrender a small portion of our natural liberty for the express and limited purpose of establishing a zone of individual freedom, bounded by the rule of law, within which to pursue happiness as we see fit.

Over the past century or so, this concept of natural rights has been under attack by many in our political and intellectual classes. They believe the Founders’ doctrine of individual, natural rights, secured by a government limited to that narrow purpose, is hopelessly inadequate for the challenges of our modern world. They believe we have outgrown those founding principles and the thinking that follows from it.

As a conservative, I believe just the opposite. The Founders principle of government as the securer of rights rather than as the source of rights is one of the great political insights. It must be reasserted, not rejected, if we are to have the best kind of republic possible in this imperfect world.

Speaking of imperfect worlds, in part two I will explore another philosophical perspective crucial to the Founders’ thinking. Accepting the truth of that idea, and understanding its implications, leads one logically to certain conclusions about the form of government best suited to secure our natural rights.

Welcome

THE EXAMINED LIFE?

Plato tells us that during Socrates’ trial for corrupting the youth of ancient Athens, the famed philosopher, ever the scold, made a statement along the lines of:

“The unexamined life is not worth living.”

I’m sure this went over well with all his fellow Greeks scraping out their meager existence on the not exactly fertile plains of their homeland.  But old “Socrates”, like all radicals, had to speak his truth, consequences be damned.  Possessing the natural temperament of the more Aristotelian “golden mean” type (enough with the ancient Greeks already, you blowhard!), I like to imagine Plato misheard what Socrates said, possibly because it’s famously hard to enunciate after a generous dose of hemlock.  Maybe Socrates actually said:

“The unexamined life is not very fulfilling.”

To that I say, unequivocally, right on brother!

I believe we can experience a more fulfilling life if we take the time to examine more thoughtfully the things that matter.

THINGS THAT MATTER?

My interests encompass many subjects both large and small.  The true, the beautiful, the just, the good…as well as why the best cookie, hands down, no argument, is oatmeal chocolate chip (Grandma Granger, blessings be upon you).   Historians note that Thomas Jefferson organized his vast library into three main categories: reason, memory, and imagination.  These roughly translate into the subjects of philosophy/science, history, and arts/culture.  When I think about it, those subject headings encapsulate quite nicely my interests.  I suspect they might end up roughly describing the kinds of things regularly mentioned, highlighted, mused or meditated upon in this blog.

A NOTE ON TONE

We seem to have devolved into a world wherein a bumper sticker mentality prevails (twitter: curses be upon it). “Thinking” 140 characters at time is not conducive to thoughtfulness, and it leads to a lot of shouting and posturing, and, frankly, it gives me headaches.  What passes for debate is simply a lot of juvenile name calling.  Character and motives are constantly attacked while underlying ideas are never addressed.               

This blog is my refuge from that world.  I’m hoping it might be yours too.

That being said, good natured humor, irreverance, and cleverness are always welcome and encouraged.

WHY?

 “You have a lot going on in that (crazy/pea/delusional…take your pick) brain of yours” is something I have heard often from friends, family and many others over the years.  This is true.  Unfortunately, as friends, family and others are apt to also mention often, “you don’t say much.”  Also true.  So, what to do with all this “stuff” in my head?  This blog is my outlet.  It is my chance to dust off the mental furniture in my attic.  We all need to do a mental spring cleaning if we are to pursue the examined life seriously.  Exposing our ideas, particularly our biases and blindspots, to the light of day, and possibly to the reasonable critique of others, is a prerequisite for the examined life.

Now, some people prefer to accomplish their mental spring cleaning by “talking things out”, as it were.  God bless them (and the people listening!).  I find I need to write.  The exercise of expressing one’s thoughts in words can be exhausting, but it is often exhilarating.  It is also immensely clarifying.

“IF YOU CAN’T EXPLAIN IT SIMPLY, YOU DON’T UNDERSTAND IT WELL ENOUGH.”  

Albert Einstein

In order to write clearly, one must put in the time and effort to think clearly.  If I don’t know why I think what I think, how can I explain it to another? How can I hope to convince another, if that is my aim?  How can I defend my point of view from attack?  How can I be open to seeing it another way?  Sit down sometime and try writing an essay on any topic. I’ll bet by the time you’re finished you will be a hell of a lot more clear about what you think about that topic and why.  Who knows, you might have changed your mind about it, too.

 “HOPE IS A GOOD THING…MAYBE THE BEST OF THINGS.”

Andy Dufresne

So, if you’re still reading, maybe you’ll check in from time to time.   I hope so.  Maybe you’ll want to respond to something or add your own thoughts.  I hope so.  Maybe you’ll introduce me to an interesting idea or drop a bit of knowledge on me, or maybe I’ll do the same for you.  I hope…